Tuesday, February 26, 2013

London Debretsion Church and the Ethiopians


Watch the YouTube video before reading this article.
This is Debretsion Ethiopian Orthodox Church in London England. The picture seems to have been taken on a cold winter day. It is such a beautiful church. Doesn’t it look so serene and peaceful? I am sure it is that most of the time. But according to this video it was nothing but serene a few weeks back. The best way to express the twenty one minute video is it felt like was watching a scene where the mental patients have taken over the asylum.
I agree it is totally depressing to see all classic Ethiopian behavior on display in a controlled environment. The location being a church gives it that special quality of raising the bar to show how low we have sunk. Such a brawl in some obscure hall, how ugly it is, normally is not worth a mention. I guess we get so consumed with the righteousness of our cause that we toss out all civilized behavior out of the window regardless of the place or the time.
The video is not intended to be a work of art. It is not fiction that jumped out of some ones
London Debretsion Church and the Ethiopians
 imagination. This play does not have a director, a producer or a lead actor. This video is real unrehearsed presentation of Ethiopians and their social interaction. The setting adds to the drama of the moment. We thank the individual who had the patience to record reality in that hallow ground.

If you care to dig deep deeper into the story you will find out the reason to the madness you are subjected to watch but that is another story all by itself.  Unfortunately having an excuse does not justify bad and shameful behavior. Wrong or right does matter but with this short presentation that we are left with all we can do is watch and marvel at the utter stupidity our situation at home and abroad.  I am interested in parsing out what fate has presented us- a way to watch ourselves from afar. It is priceless.
As I said before the setting is Debretsion Church in London, England and all those present are immigrant Ethiopians. All come to Debretsion by their own free will. We assume they are followers of Christ AKA Christians. For Christians a church is a most hallowed place. It is God’s home. Christians go to church to pray, praise the lord and cleanse their soul of evil thought and bad feelings. We expect love, understanding, forgiveness and chartable acts to flourish in such a location. Is that too much to ask?

The law is our shield

By Abebe Gellaw
Around two weeks ago, a few members of ECAD Paltalk room members took the initiative of donating money for the
legal actions I am to take in earnest against criminal TPLF thugs that have been violating our civil rights guaranteed under U.S. laws and constitutions.

In Ethiopia, TPLF agents are above the law; they are untouchable no matter what they do. Those who have killed, maimed, tortured and jailed so many innocent citizens are walking free. Some of these dangerous agents and operatives of the criminal regime come to the United States and Europe seeking refuge and political asylum under false pretense that they were being persecuted by the TPLF. Then they turn against other Ethiopians. They spy, intimidate, threaten and attack anyone vocal against TPLF’s criminal regime. What I have been subjected to for exercising my civil rights is probably unprecedented in terms of intensity and degree but definitely not unique as so many others have silently endured these kinds of criminality.
We have two options even in the land of the free. We can either endure the criminality of the thugs and terrorists that are out to silence us or confront them in a language they understand better. The legal recourse is of course the most powerful and effective option. In countries where the rule of law is sacrosanct and fully guaranteed, the law is the best shield we have at our disposal against the terrorist and thugs that have already chased us away from our beloved country.
Where there is crime, there is punishment. Having good lawyers to deal with complex crimes committed in various jurisdictions is a must. While pressing criminal charges is necessary, civil litigations will also be part of the push for justice so that those responsible will feel the pains of their criminal behaviors and actions. To that end, we will hire at least two lawyers, one in Europe and another one in the United States, where most of the multiple crimes have been committed.
I am very grateful that some Ethiopians have willingly supported this cause. Since we have started soliciting contributions a week ago, a little over $5000 (as of February 24th) has been collected. The amount is still far less than our target. But we do hope that we will raise sufficient funds in the coming few weeks.
Those who have donated confirmed, as much as I do, that we should not silently ignore criminal attacks, persecution and threats similar to what the people of Ethiopia have to endure routinely. We should do what we can afford collectively.
I would like to take this opportunity to wholeheartedly thank all who have already denoted for this campaign against our tormentors. Your support is very much appreciated.
I should also point out that anyone who has donated can demand financial report at any time to ensure that the money collected for this cause is spent appropriately. We will account for every dime spent.
There is no small fight for justice. Every violation of civil rights must be challenged. A criminal attack and persecution against one is an attack against all.
In case anyone would like to add small contributions, please use one of the following methods.
  1. To donate online through Paypal use the following link: https://www.paypal.com/cgi-bin/webscr?cmd=_s-xclick&hosted_button_id=UHPF5RPB2PBSN
  2. Deposit at any Wells Fargo branch AG Legal Fund, Acc. No. 3525090746.
  3. Deposit through any Bank of America branch AG Legal Fund, Acc. No. 485010192701
  4. Wire money from any other branches to AG Legal Fund, Acc. No. 3525090746, ABA 121000248.
  5. To transfer money from banks outside of the US: AG Legal Fund Acc. No. 3525090746 SWIFT- WFBIUS6S.
  6. It is also possible to use Western Union to transfer your donations using one of the bank details above.
For further information, please call (001) 5718829882 or email us at ethlegalfund@gmail.com
Note to potential donors: This appeal is only for those who believe in our cause for justice and freedom. We do not appreciate donations for the sake of donating. Only donate to causes you truly believe are worth supporting.
I thank so much again! Together we can make a difference.  Should you wish progress report, please check the file below.

Barack Obama: Failing the African Spring?

by Helen Epstein
The New York Review of Books
February 25, 2013
America’s new drone base in the West African city of Niamey, Niger, announced by the White House on Friday, further
President Barack Obama preparing to address Ghana's parliament, Accra, Ghana, July 11, 2009
President Barack Obama preparing to address Ghana’s parliament, Accra, Ghana, July 11, 2009
expands our counter-terrorism activity in Africa. It’s also consistent with the militaristic emphasis of the Obama administration’s engagement with the continent. This may help contain the spread of jihadist violence in specific cases, but by failing to address persistent abuses of human rights by our African military allies, America is also undermining its own development investments that are intended to lift millions of people out of poverty and ensure the continent’s peace, stability, and economic growth.
The administration’s neglect of human rights in Africa is a great disappointment, since the president began his first term by laying out ambitious new goals for the continent. In July 2009, when his presidency was only six months old, Barack Obama delivered a powerful speech at Cape Coast Castle in Ghana, the point from which millions of African slaves were shipped across the Atlantic. He called on African countries to end the tyranny of corruption that affects so many of their populations, and to build strong institutions that serve the people and hold leaders accountable. The speech seemed to extend the message of his much-discussed Cairo address a month earlier, in which he called for a new beginning for Muslim relations with the West, based on non-violence and mutual respect. Many thought that the policies of the new president, himself of Kenyan descent, would depart from those of the Bush administration, which provided a great deal of development aid to Africa, but paid scant attention to human rights.
After more than four years in office, however, Obama has done little to advance the idealistic goals of his Ghana speech. The US finally suspended military aid to Rwanda last year, after it was forced to accept evidence of Rwandan support for the brutal Congolese rebel group M23, but has otherwise ignored the highly problematic human rights situation in that country. In Uganda, the US looked on for years as President Yoweri Museveni’s cabinet ministers gorged themselves on American and other foreign aid intended for impoverished farmers, war victims, roads, and health care. US diplomats have recently begun expressing support for Uganda’s many oppressed civil society groups, but one wonders what took them so long. Perhaps it has something to do with the fact that Uganda is a vital US military ally in Somalia, where Ugandan troops helped oust the Islamic militant group al-Shabbab from Mogadishu last year.
Meanwhile, Kenya, another important US ally in Somalia that is soon to be receiving drones from the Pentagon, is preparing for national elections on March 4. But some observers say the country is more violent now than it was in 2007, when post-election ethnic clashes left 1000 people dead and caused economic chaos across East Africa. Presidential candidate Uhuru Kenyatta and his running mate William Ruto have both been indicted by the International Criminal Court for crimes connected with those events. It’s not clear what the US will do if Kenyatta wins, but it often seems as if Obama will work with any African leader who furthers America’s military aims, regardless of how that leader treats his own people.
Police in the capital, Addis Ababa, briefly detained VOA reporter
Ethiopian Muslims protesting in Addis Ababa, October, 2012
And then there is Ethiopia. Today, Western nations give $3.5 billion a year in aid to Ethiopia, most of it for health care projects, food aid, and other development programs. Of this, the US alone provides roughly $700 million—an amount that has quintupled in the past decade, even as the nation’s human rights record has deteriorated to the point that Freedom House now designates it one of the least free countries in the world. The Ethiopian government has rigged elections, taken control of the economy, and outlawed virtually all independent media and human rights activity in the country—including work related to women and children’s rights, good governance, and conflict resolution. Thousands of political prisoners languish behind bars and dozens of editors, journalists, judges, lawyers, and academics have been forced into exile.
But when Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi died last summer, then-US Ambassador to the United Nations Susan Rice praised him as a personal friend and a “talented and vital leader.” When she remarked that “he had little patience for fools, or ‘idiots,’ as he liked to call them,” some in the opposition believed she was referring to them—and approving Meles’s sentiments. Rice’s support for authoritarian leaders in Africa was highlighted by critics who opposed—and ultimately derailed—her nomination to be secretary of state.
Perhaps most worrying of all is the unwillingness of Obama and other Western leaders to say or do anything to support the hundreds of thousands of Muslim Ethiopians who have been demonstrating peacefully against government interference in their religious affairs for more than a year. (The Ethiopian government claims the country has a Christian majority, but Muslims may account for up to one half of the population.) You’d think a nonviolent Islamic movement would be just the kind of thing the Obama administration would want to showcase to the world. It has no hint of terrorist influence, and its leaders are calling for a secular government under the slogan “We have a cause worth dying for, but not worth killing for.” Indeed, the Ethiopian protesters may be leading Africa’s most promising and important nonviolent human rights campaign since the anti-apartheid struggle.

Monday, February 25, 2013

The 117th Anniversary of the Battle of Adwa

The indelible legacy of Emperor Menilik II and EmpressTaitu
There is no heritage more glorious, precious, and inspiring than freedom and independence won by the ill-equipped and
EHSNA Adwa Flyer 2013
poorly trained, if at all, Ethiopian militias over vastly superior Italian invaders at the famous Battle of Adwa in 1986 under the leadership of Emperor Menilik II and His brilliant diplomat and strategist, Empress Taitu, who in Her own right commanded 16,000 valiant militia warriors.

The Empress devised the idea of controlling the water points near the Italian garrison at Mekelle in Tigray. She sent a well-armed detachment of selected militia secretly with orders to capture those water points on which the Italians and their animals of burden depended for survival. The mission was so successful that the enemy offered to negotiate surrender. The magnanimous Emperor granted them safe passage and the garrison came under the control of His militia army. Lo and behold. The enemy that invaded Ethiopia under the pretext of civilizing barbarians found mercy in the hands of those it came to educate!
Emperor Menilik II is the victor of the famous Battle of Adwa, which became a trophy of  epic pride for Ethiopians and a beacon of hope for the black people in the Diaspora; a truly beloved Great Leader of His people that dubbed Him Emmye Menilik (Mother Menilik).
The famous victory won at the Battle of Adwa at heavy price paid in lives and blood, came as a complete surprise to European colonial powers that had no choice but recognize Ethiopia as a sovereign state.
Revenge by Fascist Italians 40 years after Adwa
The victory of our ancestors under the able leadership of the Monarch, His Empress, valiant Generals, and brave militia warriors at the battlefield dealt an unforgettably humiliating defeat to the Italian aggressors. So the Italians took forty years of extensive preparation and invaded Ethiopia in 1935 – an act of atrocious aggression in full view of the League of Nations of which both Ethiopia and Italy were members. The European powers did nothing to prevent the naked Italian aggression. But when Mussolini and Hitler forged alliance at the start of WWII, the prophetic famous speech of Emperor Haile Selassie at the League of Nations came to pass. Great Britain this time allied with the Emperor and His guerilla fighters and the alliance played a decisive role in driving out Marshall Graziani’s occupying forces from Ethiopia. The ouster led to the disgraceful fall of Mussolini.
Incidentally, the ferociously advancing Ethiopian militia warriors were within wee minutes of claiming the second Adwa victory in this war too. But, due to the sabotage by renegade Rayas (bought and armed the Fascists) attacking the advancing force to the stronghold of the enemy from behind the war was lost.  In this war the Ethiopian peasant warriors vowed in the name of Emmye Menilik and fought with extraordinary gallantry. For example,  the immortal legacy of the beloved Monarch was inherited by top patriot Abichu at his tender age of 17 years and his young compatriots under his command including the militia army of the children of Hamassein commanded by General Haptom;the militia army of the children of Tigray (Mekele) under the command of General Tesfatsion; the militia army of the children of Gojjam (Damot) commanded by General Gashu; and the main militia army of the children of Selalle under the command of General Worqu.
Source: Habeลกskรก Odyssea (YeHabesha Jebdu) ???? ??? by Adolf Parlesak Translated by Techane Jobre Mekonnen – page 274.
What is most remarkable and pleasing to me is that the children of Ethiopia, unknown to each other and hailing from distant regions and all of them young, could form their own command which by his own admission became excruciating thorn in the flesh of Marshal Badoglio – supreme commander of the invading Italian Fascist Army.

Provocative monument to Graziani, the Bucher of Ethiopia

Unfortunately, the Italian authorities, have identified a square in Rome where it has erected a monument in a public park  for Field Marshal Graziani despite the record of his atrocities including the murder of Abune Petros for refusing to betray the right of his people to fight for freedom and independence; atrocious carnage of Ethiopia patriots; terrorizing people into submission by dragging dead bodies of patriots on the streets of major cities; throwing  patriots from airplanes; heavy attack from the air with machineguns and bombs; aerial spraying  of poison gas, barred by international law, on Ethiopian militia warriors poorly  equipped with swords, spears, shields, rifles, and a few machine guns.

In August 2012, $160,000 of public money was used to finance monument in his honor with the words “Fatherland” and “Honour” engraved on the mausoleum. It is really sad and perturbing that the Vatican blessed the occasion of the inauguration of the monument of the “Butcher of Ethiopia” monument as if its endorsement and blessing of the Fascist invasion of our motherland was not enough.

Ethiopians on 19 February 2013 commemorated the anniversary of  the massive massacre  on 19 February 1937 of over 30, 000 innocent Ethiopians in Addis Ababa alone by order of Graziani only because an attempt was made on his life by two heroic citizens. He was nicknamed “The Butcher of Ethiopia” worldwide including even in Italy.
That grisly massacre did not deter Ethiopians from vowing in the name of Emmye Menilik to resist the occupation of Fascist Italy. So, Graziani ordered the removal of the monument of Menilik to a secret place because its presence in full view of the public in the city gave him a nightmare as it increasingly became a rallying point for consultation, exchanging information, and plotting to oust the Fascists. The statute was recovered and put back in its original place after the triumphant return of Emperor Haile Selassie to Addis Ababa; it is a priceless symbol of grand victory of all Ethiopians over tyranny that must be jealously guarded.
 The victory of Adwa is a symbol of our strength in unity in diversity; a pride of our harmony in the face of our cultural diversity; an indelible foot print like no other in our long history. It is a sacred inspiration and hallmark of our future existence in unity as a democratic, prosperous and strong nation. Adwa is our hallowed ground where our ancestors from all corners converged to defend their liberty by paying incalculable sacrifice in human lives, bloodshed, and expended material resources. Menilik died penniless leaving an immortal legacy of earnest quest for freedom and independence. The history made at Adwa must never die!
Menilik the magnanimous and fair judge died penniless
The Monarch elevated His antagonists to high key posts in His government, to wit: – Fitawrari Haptegiorgis Dinegde and Dejazmatch Balcha Safo among many others.
In a civil suit the Emperor ruled in favor of the appellant on grounds that it is unfair for the Crown to own both the throne and land stressing what with the people will remain if the Monarch owned both. He died penniless leaving behind the true meaning of magnanimity and justice.
Gratitude to EHSNA
It is with utmost sincerity and great pleasure that I congratulate the Board officials of EHSNA on the glamorous occasion of the celebration of the 117th Anniversary of the Battle of Adwa.
As I have said time and again, EHSNA was conceived by farsighted visionary few inspired by genuine love of Motherland Ethiopia. They were no doubt motivated by the rich repertoire of Ethiopia’s abundant heritage garnered over thousands of years. I am sure that young celebrants in particular will proudly appreciate and vow to enrich the repertoire of their heritage.
LONG LIVE ETHIOPIA!!!

Ethiopia: The Prototype African Police State

by Alemayehu G. Mariam

The sights and sounds of an African police state

When Erin Burnett of CNN visited Ethiopia in July 2012, she came face-to-face with the ugly face of an African police state:
We saw what an African police state looked like when I was in Ethiopia last month… At the airport, it took an hour
The sights and sounds of an African police state
 to clear customs – not because of lines, but because of checks and questioning. Officials tried multiple times to take us to government cars so they’d know where we went. They only relented after forcing us to leave hundreds of thousands of dollars of TV gear in the airport…

Last week, reporter Solomon Kifle of the Voice of America (VOA-Amharic) heard the terrifying voice of an  African police state from thousands of miles away.  The veteran reporter was investigating widespread allegations of targeted night time warrantless searches of homes belonging to Ethiopian Muslims in the capital Addis Ababa. Solomon interviewed victims  who effectively alleged home invasion robberies by “federal police” who illegally searched their homes and took away cash, gold jewelry, cell phones, laptops, religious books and other items of personal property.
VOA: Are you in the area of Bole. The reason I called…
Police Chief Zemedkun: Yes. You are correct.
VOA: There are allegation that homes belonging to Muslim Ethiopians have been targeted for illegal search and seizure. I am calling to get clarification.
Police Chief Zemedkun: Yes (continue).
VOA: Is it true that you are conducting such a search?
Police Chief Zemedkun: No, sir. I don’t know about this. Who told you that?
VOA: Individuals who say they are victims of such searches; Muslims who live in the area.
Police Chief Zemedkun: If they said that, you should ask them.
VOA: I can tell you what they said.
Police Chief Zemedkun: What did they say?
VOA: They said “the search is conducted by police officers; they [the police] threaten us without a court order; they take our property, particularly they focus on taking our Holy Qurans and mobile phones. Such are the allegations and I am calling to get clarification.
Police Chief Zemedkun: Wouldn’t it be better to talk to the people who told you that? I don’t know anything about that.
VOA: I just told you about the allegations the people are making.
Police Chief Zemedkun: Enough! There is nothing I know about       this.
VOA: I will mention (to our listeners) what you said Chief Zemedkun. Are you the police chief of the sub-district ( of Bole)?
Police Chief Zemedkun: Yes. I am something like that.
VOA: Chief Zemedkun, may I have your last name?
Police Chief Zemedkun: Excuse me!! I  don’t want to talk to anyone on this type of [issue] phone call. I am going to hang up. If you call again, I will come and get you from your address. I want you to know that!! From now on, you should not call this number again. If you do, I will come to wherever you are and arrest you. I mean right now!!
VOA: But I am in Washington (D.C)?
Police Chief Zemedkun: I don’t care if you live in Washington or in Heaven. I don’t give a damn! But I will arrest you and take you. You should know that!!
VOA: Are you going to come and arrest me?
End of  interview.
Meles’ legacy: mini Me-leses, Meles wannabes and a police state
Flying off the handle, exploding in anger and igniting into spontaneous self-combustion is the hallmark of the leaders of the dictatorial regime in Ethiopia. The late Meles Zenawi was the icon of spontaneous self- combustion. Anytime Meles was challenged on facts or policy, he would explode in anger and have a complete meltdown.
Just before Meles jailed virtually the entire opposition leadership, civil society leaders and human rights advocates following the 2005 elections for nearly two years, he did exactly what police chief Zemedkun threatened to do to VOA reporter Solomon. Congressman Christopher Smith, Chairman of the House Africa Subcommitte in 2005 could not believe his ears as Meles’ arrogantly threatened to arrest and jail opposition leaders and let them rot in jail. Smith reported:
Finally, when I asked the Prime Minister to work with the opposition and show respect and tolerance for those with differing views on the challenges facing Ethiopia he said, ‘I have a file on all of them; they are all guilty of treason.’ I was struck by his all-knowing tone. Guilty! They’re all guilty simply because Meles says so?  No trial? Not even a Kangaroo court?  I urged Prime Minister Meles not to take that route.

แ‰ แŠ’แ‹แ‹ฎแˆญแŠญแŠ“ แ‰ แŠ แŠซแ‰ฃแ‰ขแ‹ แŠจแˆแŠ•แŒˆแŠ แ‹จแŠขแ‰ตแ‹ฎแŒตแ‹ซ แŠฆแˆญแ‰ถแ‹ถแŠญแˆต แ‰คแ‰ฐแŠญแˆญแˆตแ‰ฒแ‹ซแŠ• แˆแ‹•แˆ˜แŠ“แŠ• แ‹จแ‰ฐแˆฐแŒ  แˆ˜แŒแˆˆแŒซ


แŠฅแŠ› แ‰ แŠ’แ‹แ‹ฎแˆญแŠญแŠ“ แ‰ แŠ แŠซแ‰ฃแ‰ขแ‹ แ‹จแˆแŠ•แŒˆแŠ แˆแ‹•แˆ˜แŠ“แŠ• แ‰ แ‰…แˆญแ‰ก แŠจแˆ…แŒ‹แ‹Šแ‹ แ‹จแŠขแ‰ตแ‹ฎแŒตแ‹ซ แŠฆแˆญแ‰ถแ‹ถแŠญแˆต แ‰ฐแ‹‹แˆ…แ‹ถ แ‰คแ‰ฐ แŠญแˆญแˆตแ‰ฒแ‹ซแŠ• แ‰…แ‹ฑแˆต แˆฒแŠ–แ‹ถแˆต แ‹ˆแ‰…แ‰ณแ‹Šแ‹แŠ• แ‹จแ‰คแ‰ฐแŠญแˆญแˆตแ‰ฒแ‹ซแŠ“แ‰ฝแŠ•แŠ• แˆแŠ”แ‰ณ แ‰ แˆšแˆ˜แˆˆแŠจแ‰ต แ‹จแ‰ฐแˆฐแŒ แ‹แŠ• แˆ˜แŒแˆˆแŒซ แˆ™แˆ‰ แ‰ แˆ™แˆ‰ แ‹จแˆแŠ•แ‹ฐแŒแ แˆ˜แˆ†แŠ“แ‰ฝแŠ•แŠ• แˆˆแˆšแˆ˜แˆˆแŠจแ‰ฐแ‹ แˆแˆ‰ แˆˆแˆ˜แŒแˆˆแŒฝ แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ˆแ‹ณแˆˆแŠ•።

แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฐแˆšแ‰ณแ‹ˆแ‰€แ‹ แˆแˆ‰ แ‰ แŠขแ‰ตแ‹ฎแŒตแ‹ซ แŠฆแˆญแ‰ถแ‹ถแŠญแˆต แ‰ฐแ‹‹แˆ…แ‹ถ แ‰คแ‰ฐ แŠญแˆญแˆตแ‰ฒแ‹ซแŠ• แˆ‹แ‹ญ แ‹จแ‹ฐแˆจแˆฐแ‹ แ‰ แ‹ฐแˆ แ‹ซแˆตแŠจแ‰ฐแˆˆแ‹ แˆ€แ‹˜แŠ•แŠ“ แŒ‰แ‹ณแ‰ต แ‰ แ‰€แˆ‹แˆ‰ แ‰ฐแ‹˜แˆญแ‹แˆฎ แ‹จแˆšแ‹ซแˆแ‰… แŠ แ‹ญแ‹ฐแˆˆแˆ፣ แ‰ แˆ˜แˆ†แŠ‘แˆ แ‹จแ‰คแ‰ฐ
Ethiopian-Orthodox-Church-Holy-Synod

แŠญแˆญแˆตแ‰ฒแ‹ซแŠ‘ แŠซแˆ…แŠ“แ‰ตแŠ“ แˆแ‹•แˆ˜แŠ“แŠ• แˆ‹แˆˆแ‰แ‰ต แˆƒแ‹ซ แŠ แŠ•แ‹ต แ‹“แˆ˜แ‰ณแ‰ต แ‹•แˆญแ‰€ แˆฐแˆ‹แˆ แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฒแ‹ˆแˆญแ‹ตแŠ“ แˆ•แŒˆ แ‰คแ‰ฐแŠญแˆญแˆตแ‰ฒแ‹ซแŠ• แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฒแŠจแ‰ แˆญ แˆฒแˆ˜แŠ™แŠ“ แˆฒแŒธแˆแ‹ฉ แŠ–แˆจแ‹‹แˆ። แŠจแ‹šแˆ…แˆ แ‰ฃแˆปแŒˆแˆญ แ‹จแ‰คแ‰ฐแŠญแˆญแˆตแ‰ฒแ‹ซแŠ’แ‰ฑ แ‹จแ‰แˆญแŒฅ แ‰€แŠ• แˆแŒ†แ‰ฝ แ‹จแˆšแ‹ซแˆตแ‰ฐแˆซแˆญแ‰ แ‰ฅแแ‹“แŠ• แŠ“แ‰ธแ‹ แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฒแˆ แ‹จแˆฐแˆ‹แˆแŠ“ แ‹จแŠ แŠ•แ‹ตแАแ‰ต แŒ‰แ‰ฃแŠค แ‰ แˆ›แ‰‹แ‰‹แˆ แ‰ แˆ€แŒˆแˆญ แ‹แˆตแŒฅแŠ“ แ‰ แ‹แŒช แˆ€แŒˆแˆญ แ‰ฃแˆ‰แ‰ต แŠ แ‰ฃแ‰ถแ‰ฝ แˆ˜แŠซแŠจแˆ แ‹•แˆญแ‰… แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฒแˆแŒ แˆญแŠ“ แ‰€แŠ–แŠ“ แ‰คแ‰ฐแŠญแˆญแˆตแ‰ฒแ‹ซแŠ•แˆ แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฒแŠจแ‰ แˆญ แ‹ซแˆ‹แˆฐแˆˆแˆฐ แŒฅแˆจแ‰ต แˆ›แ‹ตแˆจแŒ‹แ‰ธแ‹ แˆฒแ‹ซแˆตแˆ˜แˆฐแŒแŠ“แ‰ธแ‹ แ‹ญแŠ–แˆซแˆ። แˆ†แŠ–แˆ แŒแŠ• แ‹จแˆ˜แŒจแˆจแˆปแ‹ แ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆญ แแƒแˆœ แˆณแ‹ซแŒˆแŠ แŠจแŠ แ‹ฒแˆต แŠ แ‰ แ‰ฃแ‹ แˆฒแŠ–แ‹ถแˆต แ‹จแ‰ฐแˆฐแˆ›แ‹ แ‹ตแˆแ… แŠซแˆ…แŠ“แ‰ฑแŠ•แŠ“ แˆแ‹•แˆ˜แŠ“แŠ‘แŠ• แŠจแ‰ แŠแ‰ฑ แˆˆแŠจแ‹ แˆ€แ‹˜แŠ• แ‹ณแˆญแŒŽแ‰ณแˆ። แ‰ แ‹šแˆ…แˆ แ‹จแ‰ฐแАแˆณ “แŠฆแˆ† แ‰ แˆแ‹Ž แˆˆแŠฅแŒแ‹šแŠ แ‰ฅแˆ”แˆญ แ‹ˆแŠฅแŠ•แ‰ฅแ‹จ แ‰ แˆแ‹Ž แˆˆแŒ‹แŠ”แŠ•” แ‰ แˆšแˆ แˆญแ‹•แˆต แŠจแˆ…แŒ‹แ‹Šแ‹ แ‰…แ‹ฑแˆต แˆฒแŠ–แ‹ถแˆต แˆฐแŠ แˆ˜แŒแˆˆแŒซ แ‰ฐแˆฐแŒฅแ‰ทแˆ። แŠฅแŠ›แˆ แ‰ แŠ’แ‹แ‹ฎแˆญแŠญแŠ“ แ‰ แŠ แŠซแ‰ฃแ‰ขแ‹ แ‹จแˆแŠ•แŒˆแŠ แˆแ‹•แˆ˜แŠ“แŠ• แŠจแˆแˆˆแ‰ฑแˆ แ‹ˆแŒˆแŠ• แ‹จแ‰ฐแˆฐแŒกแ‰ตแŠ• แˆ˜แŒแˆˆแŒซแ‹Žแ‰ฝ แ‰ แŒฅแˆแ‰… แ‰ แˆ˜แˆ˜แˆญแˆ˜แˆญ แŠฅแ‹แАแ‰ตแŠ• แ‹จแˆšแˆแˆแŒ แˆแ‰ฅ แ‹ฐแˆต แ‹ญแ‰ แˆˆแ‹ แ‰ฐแ‰ฅแˆŽ แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฐแ‰ฐแŒปแˆ แ‰ แ‹แŒญ แˆ€แŒˆแˆญ แ‰ แˆšแŒˆแŠ˜แ‹ แˆ•แŒ‹แ‹Š แ‰…แ‹ฑแˆต แˆฒแŠ–แ‹ถแˆต แ‹จแ‰ฐแˆฐแŒ แ‹แŠ• แˆ˜แŒแˆˆแŒซ แˆ™แˆ‰ แ‰ แˆ™แˆ‰ แ‰ แˆ˜แ‹ฐแŒˆแแŠ“ แ‰ แ‹แˆตแŒกแˆ แ‹จแ‰ฐแˆฐแŒกแ‰ตแŠ• แˆ˜แˆ˜แˆชแ‹ซแ‹Žแ‰ฝ แ‰ แˆฅแˆซ แˆ‹แ‹ญ แˆˆแˆ›แ‹‹แˆ แ‰†แˆญแŒ แŠ• แ‰ฐแАแˆฅแ‰ฐแŠ“แˆ።

แ‰ แˆ˜แŒแˆˆแŒซแ‹ แŒˆแŒฝ 6 แ‰แŒฅแˆญ 3 แˆ‹แ‹ญ แ‹จแ‰ฐแŒˆแˆˆแŒธแ‹แŠ• แˆ˜แˆ˜แˆชแ‹ซ แˆ˜แˆ แˆจแ‰ต แ‰ แˆ›แ‹ตแˆจแŒ แŠฅแŠ› แ‰ แŠ’แ‹แ‹ฎแˆญแŠญแŠ“ แ‰ แŠ แŠซแ‰ฃแ‰ขแ‹ แ‹จแˆแŠ•แŒˆแŠ แˆแ‹•แˆ˜แŠ“แŠ• แ‹จแˆšแŠจแ‰ฐแˆˆแ‹แŠ• แ‹แˆณแŠ” แŠ แˆตแ‰ฐแˆ‹แˆแˆแŠ“แˆ፡፤
1แŠ›/ แ‰ฃแˆˆแ‰แ‰ต 21 แ‹“แˆ˜แ‰ณแ‰ต แ“แ‰ตแˆญแ‹ซแˆญแŠญ แ‰ แˆ…แ‹ญแ‹ˆแ‰ต แŠฅแ‹ซแˆˆ แˆŒแˆ‹ แ“แ‰ตแˆญแ‹ซแˆญแŠญ แˆ˜แˆพแˆ™ แ‹ซแˆตแŠจแ‰ฐแˆˆแ‹แŠ• แŒฅแ‹แ‰ต แˆˆแˆ›แˆจแˆแŠ“ แˆˆแˆ›แˆตแ‰ฐแŠซแŠจแˆ แ‹จแ‰ฐแˆแŒ แˆจแ‹แŠ• แ‰ณแˆชแŠซแ‹Š แŠ แŒ‹แŒฃแˆš แ‰ฐแŒ แ‰…แˆž แˆ…แŒ‹แ‹Šแ‹แŠ• แ“แ‰ตแˆญแ‹ซแˆญแŠญ แ‰ฅแแ‹• แŠ แ‰กแА แˆ˜แˆญแ‰†แˆฌแ‹ŽแˆตแŠ• แŠจแАแˆ™แˆ‰ แŠญแ‰ฅแˆซแ‰ธแ‹ แ‹ˆแ‹ฐ แˆ˜แŠ•แ‰ แˆซแ‰ธแ‹ แ‰ แˆ˜แˆ˜แˆˆแˆต แ‹แŠ•แ‰ณ แ‰ แŒฅแ‹แ‰ต แˆ‹แ‹ญ แŒฅแ‹แ‰ต แˆŒแˆ‹ แˆตแ‹ตแˆตแ‰ฐแŠ› แ“แ‰ตแˆญแ‹ซแˆญแŠญ แˆˆแˆ˜แˆฐแ‹จแˆ แ‹จแˆšแ‹ฐแˆจแŒˆแ‹แŠ• แŒฅแ‹ตแŠแ‹ซ แŠฅแŠ•แ‰ƒแ‹ˆแˆ›แˆˆแŠ•፣ แ‰ฐแˆ˜แˆซแŒฉแŠ•แˆ แŠ แŠ•แ‰€แ‰ แˆแˆ።
2แŠ›/ แ‹จแ‰ฐแˆˆแ‹ซแ‹ฉ แˆ˜แŠ•แˆแˆณแ‹Š แŒ‰แ‰ฃแŠคแ‹Žแ‰ฝแŠ• แ‰ แˆ›แ‹˜แŒ‹แŒ€แ‰ต፣ แˆ›แŠ…แ‰ แˆจ แˆแ‹•แˆ˜แŠ“แŠ‘ แˆตแˆˆแ‰…แ‹ฑแˆต แˆฒแŠ–แ‹ถแˆต แŠ แˆ˜แˆ แˆซแˆจแ‰ตแŠ“ แˆตแˆˆ แ‰€แŠ–แŠ“ แ‰คแ‰ฐแŠญแˆญแˆตแ‰ฒแ‹ซแŠ• แˆ˜แŠจแ‰ แˆญ แŠ แˆฐแˆแˆ‹แŒŠแАแ‰ต፣ แŒฅแˆญแ‰ต แ‰ฃแˆˆ แˆ˜แŠ•แŒˆแ‹ต แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฒแŒˆแАแ‹˜แ‰ฅ
แ‰ แˆ›แ‹ตแˆจแŒ แˆˆแˆ€แŒˆแˆซแ‰ฝแŠ• แˆˆแŠขแ‰ตแ‹ฎแŒตแ‹ซ แˆฐแˆ‹แˆ แˆˆแ‰คแ‰ฐแŠญแˆญแˆตแ‰ฒแ‹ซแŠ“แ‰ฝแŠ• แแ‰…แˆญแŠ“ แŠ แŠ•แ‹ตแАแ‰ต แ‰ แˆ™แˆ‰ แˆแ‰ฅแŠ“ แ‰ แˆ™แˆ‰ แŠƒแ‹ญแˆ แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฒแАแˆณ แ‹ซแˆˆแˆฐแˆˆแˆฐ แŒฅแˆจแ‰ต แŠฅแŠ“แ‹ฐแˆญแŒ‹แˆˆแŠ•።

3แŠ›/ แ‰ แŠขแ‰ตแ‹ฎแŒตแ‹ซ แŠฆแˆญแ‰ถแ‹ถแŠญแˆต แ‰ฐแ‹‹แˆ…แ‹ถ แ‰คแ‰ฐ แŠญแˆญแˆตแ‰ฒแ‹ซแŠ• แˆ‹แ‹ญ แ‹จแ‹ฐแˆจแˆฐแ‹ แ‹จแˆ˜แŠจแ‹แˆแˆ แŠ แ‹ฐแŒ‹ แ‹จแŠขแ‰ตแ‹ฎแŒตแ‹ซแŠ“ แ‹จแ‹แŒช แ‰ แˆšแˆ แ‰ฅแ‰ป แŠ แˆ‹แ‰ แ‰ƒแˆ። แŠจแˆแˆˆแ‰ฑแˆ แ‹ซแˆแ‹ˆแŒˆแА แŒˆแˆˆแˆแ‰ฐแŠ› แ‰ แˆšแˆ แˆตแˆ แ‹จแˆšแŒ แˆซ แˆฆแˆตแ‰ฐแŠ› แŠ แŠซแˆ แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ณแˆˆ แ‹ญแ‰ณแ‹ˆแ‰ƒแˆ። แ‰…แ‹ตแˆตแ‰ต แ‰คแ‰ฐแŠญแˆญแˆตแ‰ฒแ‹ซแŠ“แ‰ฝแŠ• แŠ แŒฃแ‰ฅแ‰‚แŠ แ‹แˆตแŒฅ แ‰ แŒˆแ‰ฃแ‰ฝแ‰ แ‰ต แ‰ แŠ แˆแŠ‘ แ‹ˆแ‰…แ‰ต แˆฐแˆ‹แˆแŠ“ แŠ แŠ•แ‹ตแАแ‰ต แ‹•แ‹แŠ• แˆˆแˆ›แ‹ตแˆจแŒ แŠฅแˆญแˆแŒƒ แˆ˜แ‹แˆฐแ‹ต แ‹จแŒแ‹ต แ‹ญแˆ‹แˆ። แˆตแˆˆแ‹šแˆ…፣ แ‰ แˆฐแˆ‹แˆแŠ“ แŠ แŠ•แ‹ตแАแ‰ต แŠฎแˆšแ‰ด แŠ แˆ›แŠซแ‹ญแŠ“แ‰ต แ‰ แˆ…แŒ‹แ‹Šแ‹ แˆฒแŠ–แ‹ถแˆตแŠ“ แ‰ แŒˆแˆˆแˆแ‰ฐแŠ›แ‹ แ‹ˆแŒˆแŠ• แˆ˜แˆ€แŠจแˆ แŠ แŠ•แ‹ตแАแ‰ต แˆˆแˆ˜แแŒ แˆญ แ‹ญแ‰ปแˆ แ‹˜แŠ•แ‹ต แ‹จแ‹•แˆญแ‰… แ‹ตแˆญแ‹ตแˆญ แ‰ แŠ แˆตแ‰ธแŠณแ‹ญ แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฒแŒ€แˆแˆญ แ‰ แ‰ตแˆ…แ‰ตแŠ“ แŠฅแŠ•แŒ แ‹ญแ‰ƒแˆˆแŠ•።
4แŠ›/ แ‰ แˆ…แŒ‹แ‹Šแ‹ แ‰…แ‹ฑแˆต แˆฒแŠ–แ‹ถแˆต แˆฅแˆญ แ‹ซแˆ‰ แŠ แŒฅแ‰ขแ‹ซ แŠ แ‰ฅแ‹ซแ‰ฐ แŠญแˆญแˆตแ‰ฒแ‹ซแŠ“แ‰ต แ‹แˆตแŒฅ แŠจแˆแŠ• แŒŠแ‹œแ‹แˆ แ‰ แ‰ แˆˆแŒ  แ‹จแ‰…แ‹ฑแˆต แˆฒแŠ–แ‹ถแˆฑแŠ• แˆ˜แˆ˜แˆชแ‹ซแ‹Žแ‰ฝ แ‰ แˆฅแˆซ แˆ‹แ‹ญ แˆˆแˆ›แ‹‹แˆ แ‹จแˆšแ‹แŒ แŠ• แˆแ‹ฉ แŠฎแˆšแ‰ด แŠฅแŠ•แ‹ฒแ‰‹แ‰‹แˆ แˆ˜แŠ•แˆแˆณแ‹Š แˆแŠญแˆซแ‰ฝแŠ•แŠ• แŠฅแŠ•แˆˆแŒแˆณแˆˆแŠ•፣ แ‰ แ‹šแˆแˆ แˆ˜แˆ แˆจแ‰ต แ‰ แŠ’แ‹แ‹ฎแˆญแŠญแŠ“ แ‰ แŠ แŠซแ‰ฃแ‰ขแ‹ แ‰คแ‰ฐแŠญแˆญแˆตแ‰ฒแ‹ซแŠ“แ‰ต แˆแ‹ฉ แŠฎแˆšแ‰ด แ‰ฐแ‰‹แ‰แˆž แˆฅแˆซแ‹แŠ• แˆ˜แŒ€แˆ˜แˆฉแŠ• แ‰ แ‰ตแˆ…แ‰ตแŠ“ แŠฅแŠ•แŒˆแˆแŒปแˆˆแŠ•።
แˆตแˆˆ แˆ€แŒˆแˆซแ‰ฝแŠ• แŠขแ‰ตแ‹ฎแŒตแ‹ซ แˆฐแˆ‹แˆ፣ แˆตแˆˆแ‰…แ‹ตแˆตแ‰ต แ‰คแ‰ฐแŠญแˆญแˆตแ‰ฒแ‹ซแŠ“แ‰ฝแŠ• แแ‰…แˆญ แŠ แŠ•แ‹ตแАแ‰ต แŠฅแŠ•แˆ›แˆˆแ‹ณแˆˆแŠ•

Indian land grabs in Ethiopia show dark side of south-south co-operation

The takeover of peoples’ land and water by corporations – even if they are from the global south – is a new form of colonisation
The idea of south-south co-operation evokes a positive image of solidarity between developing countries through the
Women pick pigeon pea in eastern Ethiopia
Women pick pigeon pea in eastern Ethiopia, where 80% of the population are engaged in agriculture. Photograph: Picasa/Mark Tran for the Guardian
exchange of resources, technology, and knowledge. It’s an attractive proposition, intended to shift the international balance of power and help developing nations break away from aid dependence and achieve true emancipation from former colonial powers. However, the discourse of south-south co-operation has become a cover for human rights violations involving southern governments and companies.
A case in point is the land grab by Indian corporations in Ethiopia, facilitated by the governments of both countries, which use development rhetoric while further marginalising the indigenous communities that bear the pain of the resulting social, economic and environmental devastation. It is against this scenario that international solidarity between communities affected by the insanity of a development model that prefers profits over people is reclaiming the principles of south-south co-operation.
Ethiopia’s late prime minister, Meles Zenawi, welcomed India’s expanding footprint in Africa as essential for his country’s wellbeing, a vision shared by his successor, Hailemariam Desalegn. The Export-Import Bank, India’s premier export finance institution, gave the Ethiopian government a $640m (£412m) line of credit to develop the controversial sugar sector in lower Omo. Indian companies are the largest investors in the country, having acquired more than 600,000 hectares (1.5m acres) of land for agro-industrial projects.
With 80% of its population engaged in agriculture, Ethiopia is home to more than 34 million chronically hungry people. Every year, millions depend on aid (pdf) for their survival. Amid such hunger, large-scale land deals with Indian investors are portrayed as a win-win situation, modernising agriculture, bringing new technologies and creating employment.
Research by the Oakland Institute, however, contradicts such claims. Most of what is produced is non-food export crops while tax incentives offered to foreign investors deprive Ethiopia of valuable earnings. The promises of job creation remain unfulfilled as plantation work at best offers menial low-paid jobs.
Worse still, the Ethiopian government is using its villagisation programme to forcibly relocate (pdf) about 1.5 million indigenous people from their homes, farms and grazing lands to make way for agricultural plantations. Those who refuse face intimidation, beatings, rapes, arbitrary detention and imprisonment, and even death. The repression of social resistance to land investments is even stipulated in some land lease contracts: “[it is the] state’s obligation to ‘deliver and hand over the vacant possession of leased land free of impediments’ and to provide free security ‘against any riot, disturbance or any turbulent time.’”
It was to challenge this form of south-south co-operation that the Oakland Institute, in partnership with Indian civil society groups the Indian Social Action Forum (Insaf), Kalpavriksh and Peace, organised an Indian-Ethiopian summit on land investments in New Delhi in February. Obang Metho of the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia and Nyikaw Ochalla from the Anywaa Survival Organisation, members of the Anuak community of Gambela, Ethiopia, travelled to India with shocking testimonies of how their community has been dispossessed of livelihoods, ill-treated and subjected to misery while the Ethiopian government leases land to Indian corporations at giveaway prices.
This coming together of Indian and Ethiopian civil society groups marks a turning point in the struggle for land rights and livelihoods in the two countries and beyond. For the first time, the agony of communities who face human rights abuses as their lands are taken over has reached the investors’ doorstep, sending a powerful message to the investors and governments of Ethiopia and India. At the same time, it initiated a rewriting of south-south co-operation where the takeover of communal lands that have been homes, grazing grounds and water sources for generations, by corporations – even if they are from the global south – is being recognised as a new form of colonisation. It was a starting point, and plans for further collaboration are under way.
Unlike the Ethiopian leaders who met the Indian business delegations in person, Metho and Ochalla did not get a hearing with Indian government officials, despite several requests. Instead, it was activists who are challenging land grabs across India who travelled to New Delhi to meet them. They told how control over land and natural resources is spurring violent clashes in nearly 130 districts of India. Meanwhile, reports came in that 12 platoons of police had moved in on villagers in Govindpur and Nuagaon in Odisha, to forcibly clear lands for the Korean Steel Posco project. Women and children were beaten indiscriminately and people were arrested as they tried to prevent the demolition of their betel vineyards – one of the most viable local livelihoods.
We need to challenge the paradigm of development that trivialises and ignores the human consequences of these land acquisitions by corporate investors and governments. The idea that “some have to be sacrificed” for the “larger national good”, which is nothing more than the double-digit economic growth that benefits a few, must be rejected – even if the deals are between developing countries and framed by the rhetoric of south-south co-operation.
• Anuradha Mittal is founder and executive director of the Oakland Institute, an independent policy thinktank based in Oakland, California